My Memory of Gladstone — Inside the Classic
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heart of clericism as well as Toryism, and the advance of Liberalism threatened the Anglican State Church, as well as the oligarchy of rotten boroughs. The Tractarian movement of sacerdotal reaction was already on foot. Gladstone imbibed the ecclesiastical as well as the political spirit of the place, and formed a friendship, which proved lasting, with the authors of the mediævalising movement. He published a defence of the Anglican State Church, which, as we know, was terribly cut up by Macaulay. The Reviewer, however, ends with a defence of religious establishments really weaker than anything in Gladstone. The State, according to Macaulay, though religion is not its proper business, has some time and energy to spare which it may usefully devote to the regulation of religion.
Gladstone cast off by degrees his extreme Establishmentarianism. He came at last to disestablishing the Church in Ireland and pledging himself to disestablishment in Wales. But he remained firmly attached to the Church of England, encircled by High Church friends, who were really nearer to his heart than anybody else, deeply, even passionately, interested in all their questions, and an assiduous writer on their side. He was suspected of being a Papist. A Papist he certainly was not. No one could be more opposed to Papal usurpation. His special sympathy was with anti-Papal and anti-Infallibilist Catholics, such as Döllinger and Lord Acton. His religious faith was simple and profound; so simple that he continued in this sceptical age to believe in the plenary inspiration of the Bible, and in the Mosaic account of the Creation. He retained unshaken faith in Providence and in the efficacy of prayer. This in his meditations constantly and clearly appears. At the same time, he grew tolerant of free inquiry as a conscientious quest of truth. Many Nonconformists, the leaders especially, notwithstanding his Anglicanism and his suspected leanings to Rome, were drawn to him on broad grounds of religious sympathy, and lent him their political support. Lord Salisbury called him “a great Christian.” He could not have been more truly described. He had thought of taking Holy Orders. From this he had been happily deterred, but he seems to have been fond of officiating in a semi-clerical way by reading the lessons in Hawarden Church.
Gladstone’s zeal in the service of his nation and humanity, his loyalty to right and hatred of tyranny and injustice, and his conscientious industry, were sustained by spiritual influences, and Christianity has a right to appeal to his character in support, not of its dogmas, but of its principles.
The first step in emancipation from bondage to the State Church theory was curious and characteristic. Peel, in whose Government Gladstone then was, proposed an increase of the grant to Maynooth. Gladstone paid a tribute to the principle of the “Church in its Relation to the State” by resigning his office. Then, on the ground that the other principle had prevailed, he voted for the grant and went back into the Government. It is thus possible to see how the idea of a certain tortuosity became connected with his career. Bitter enemies even accused him of duplicity. He had a habit, of which his biographer seems aware, of making his words open to a double construction, the consequence, perhaps, of consciousness that his mind was moving and that his position might be changed. He had also a dislike of owning change, and a habit of setting his retroactive imagination at work to prove that there was no inconsistency, which had a bad effect, especially in such a case as his sudden coalition with Parnell.
The value of the recruit was at once recognized and the door of office was presently opened to him by Peel, who was always on the look-out for youthful promise, and set himself, perhaps more than any other Prime Minister ever did, to train up a succession of statesmen for the country. Though himself the least eccentric of mankind, Peel showed in more than one case that he could overlook a touch of eccentricity where there was real merit and genuine work. Set, as Vice-President of the Board of Trade, to deal with a subject entirely new to him, Gladstone at once justified Peel’s confidence and discernment. Perhaps the office had been chosen for him as one in which his eccentricity had no play. He served Peel admirably well, and was perfectly true to his chief. But, from things that I have heard him say, I rather doubt whether he greatly loved Peel. Peel detested the Tractarians; the Tractarians hated Peel; and some of the Tractarians were nearest of all men to Gladstone’s heart.
Goldwin Smith opens his memoir of W.E. Gladstone not with a cradle-to-grave narrative but with a pointed comparison to John Morley's official biography, positioning his own work as a supplement from a different vantage point. Smith declares he was never Gladstone's colleague or confidant, yet he enjoyed 'the closest intimacy with men who were his associates in public life,' allowing him to see Gladstone through their eyes. This framing immediately establishes the book's character: a personal recollection filtered through a network of political friendships, not a comprehensive life story.
A Portrait Drawn from Physical and Mental Stamina
Smith's most vivid passages dwell on Gladstone's extraordinary constitution. He describes Gladstone as 'a wonderful being, physically and mentally,' with an eye 'intensely bright' and a form that bespoke 'nervous energy.' The memoir recounts a four-hour speech on a financial subject that left a fastidious critic wishing for four more hours. Smith also details a working session that stretched from ten in the morning to six in the evening, interrupted only by a Privy Council meeting, after which Gladstone spoke in the House at one o'clock the next morning. Such anecdotes serve not as mere color but as evidence of the stamina Smith considers essential to understanding Gladstone's political effectiveness.
The Irish Question as a Test of Statesmanship
The latter portion of the excerpt shifts sharply from personal observation to historical analysis of Gladstone's Irish policy. Smith argues that the history of Ireland's economic degradation—from Cromwell's free trade to British protectionism, the Penal Code, and the famine—was 'never, so far as I remember, very clearly set forth' by Gladstone or his contemporaries. He contends that the real Irish grievance was agrarian, not political, and that Home Rule was a reduced version of O'Connell's repeal movement. Smith's tone becomes critical: he implies that Gladstone's biographer was 'restrained by his desire not to multiply points of controversy,' and that the last act of Gladstone's life, tied to Ireland, was 'scarcely of a brighter hue than the rest of that sad story.'
The Limits of a Secondary Witness
Smith is careful to mark the boundaries of his knowledge. He admits he was not a partner in Gladstone's counsels, and he relies on the testimony of friends like George Venables. When discussing the political movement, he notes that the struggle for Home Rule 'had, when Mr. Gladstone came to deal with the question, assumed the aspect of a struggle for Home Rule'—a phrasing that suggests he is summarizing rather than claiming insider insight. The memoir thus offers a valuable but deliberately partial view, one that supplements official biography with the texture of personal acquaintance and the perspective of a contemporary who moved in the same circles but remained at a certain distance.
Readers should approach My Memory of Gladstone as a companion piece rather than a standalone biography. Smith's observations are most useful when he reports what he saw or heard directly—Gladstone's working habits, his physical presence, the reactions of mutual acquaintances. His historical judgments on Ireland, while forcefully argued, reflect his own political stance and should be weighed against other sources. The memoir's brevity and focus make it a quick but nuanced entry into late-Victorian political memory.
Reading about Gladstone’s tireless speeches, I remembered my grandfather falling asleep mid-sentence, the paper open on his chest. It reminded me of how the private rooms behind public men—their wives, their quiet habits—felt more real than any parliament. The same warmth surfaced flipping through Wives of the Prime Ministers, 1844-1906 — Text and Context, where history breathes softly between agendas.
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Kyle Salas - 1 month ago
{'rating': 2, 'content': "This biographical sketch of Gladstone is too adulatory to be taken seriously as a critical assessment. The author clearly holds Gladstone in high esteem, but fails to engage with any controversial aspects of his career. The writing is stiff and overly formal, and the lack of counterpoints makes it feel like a one-sided tribute. A more balanced treatment would have been more useful for understanding Gladstone's legacy."} -
Michael Williams - 1 month ago
{'rating': 3, 'content': "This memoir offers a warm and admiring perspective on Gladstone, with interesting anecdotes that reveal his humanity. However, the author's deep reverence sometimes borders on hagiography, softening any critical edge. Still, for those seeking a positive account of Gladstone's life and impact, this book delivers, though it might lack the balanced treatment a more skeptical reader would prefer."} -
Ashley Harold Williams - 2 weeks ago
{'rating': 4, 'content': "This book provides a touching and personal reminiscence of William Ewart Gladstone, one of Britain's greatest statesmen. The author's intimate knowledge and respect for Gladstone shine through, offering readers unique insights into his character, political acumen, and dedication to public service. It's a beautifully written tribute that also serves as a valuable historical document. Anyone interested in Victorian politics or great leaders will find this memoir enriching and inspiring."}
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Luke Scott
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